faced 5.fac.002002 Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire

Janine Lindemulder, porn star and former wife of ‘Monster Garage’ host Jesse James, faced federal charges in June of 2008 for failing to pay the IRS some $200,000 in taxes. Lindemulder, who appeared in Howard Stern’s film ‘Private Parts,’ pleaded guilty to the charges.

pope Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire

Lincoln maintained that the powers of his administration to end slavery were limited by the Constitution. He expected to bring about the eventual extinction of slavery by stopping its further expansion into any U.S. territory, and by convincing states to accept compensated emancipation if the state would outlaw slavery (an offer that took effect only in Washington, D.C.). Guelzo says Lincoln believed that shrinking slavery in this way would make it uneconomical, and place it back on the road to eventual extinction that the Founders had envisioned.^[148]

In July 1862, Congress passed the Second Confiscation Act, which freed the slaves of anyone convicted of aiding the rebellion.^[149] The goal was to weaken the rebellion, which was led and controlled by slave owners. While it did not abolish the legal institution of slavery (the Thirteenth Amendment did that), the Act showed that Lincoln had the support of Congress in liberating slaves owned by rebels. In that same month, Lincoln discussed a draft of the Emancipation Proclamation with his cabinet. In a shrewdly penned August reply to an editorial by Horace Greeley in the influential New York Tribune, with a draft of the Proclamation already on Lincoln’s desk, the president subordinated the goal of ending slavery to the cause of preserving the Union, while, at the same time, preparing the public for emancipation being incomplete at first. Lincoln had decided at this point that he could not win the war without freeing the slaves, and so it was a necessity “to do more to help the cause”:

I would save the Union. I would save it the shortest way under the Constitution. The sooner the national authority can be restored; the nearer the Union will be “the Union as it was.” … My paramount object in this struggle is to save the Union, and is not either to save or to destroy slavery. If I could save the Union without freeing any slave I would do it, and if I could save it by freeing all the slaves I would do it; and if I could save it by freeing some and leaving others alone I would also do that. What I do about slavery, and the colored race, I do because I believe it helps to save the Union; and what I forbear, I forbear because I do not believe it would help to save the Union. I shall do less whenever I shall believe what I am doing hurts the cause, and I shall do more whenever I shall believe doing more will help the cause. I shall try to correct errors when shown to be errors; and I shall adopt new views so fast as they shall appear to be true views. I have here stated my purpose according to my view of official duty; and I intend no modification of my oft-expressed personal wish that all men everywhere could be free.^[150]

The Emancipation Proclamation, announced on September 22, 1862 and put into effect on January 1, 1863, freed slaves in territories not already under Union control. As Union armies advanced south, more slaves were liberated until all of them in Confederate territory (over three million) were freed. Lincoln later said: “I never, in my life, felt more certain that I was doing right, than I do in signing this paper.” The proclamation made the abolition of slavery in the rebel states an official war goal. Lincoln then threw his energies into passage of the Thirteenth Amendment to permanently abolish slavery throughout the nation.^[151] He personally lobbied individual Congressmen for the Amendment, which was passed by the Congress in early 1865, shortly before his death.^[152] A few days asfter the Emancipation was announced, thirteen Republican governors met at the War Governors’ Conference; they supported the president’s Proclamation, but suggested the removal of General George B. McClellan as commander of the Union’s Army of the Potomac.^[153] For some time, Lincoln continued earlier plans to set up colonies for the newly freed slaves. He commented favorably on colonization in the Emancipation Proclamation, but all attempts at such a massive undertaking failed. As Frederick Douglass observed, Lincoln was, “The first great man that I talked with in the United States freely who in no single instance reminded me of the difference between himself and myself, of the difference of color.”^[154]

Gettysburg Address

Main article: Gettysburg Address

Although the Battle of Gettysburg was a Union victory, it was also the bloodiest battle of the war and dealt a blow to Lincoln’s war effort. As the Union Army decreased in numbers due to casualties, more soldiers were needed to replace the ranks. Lincoln’s 1863 military drafts were considered “odious” among many in the north, particularly immigrants. The New York Draft Riots of July 1863 were the most notable manifestation of this discontent. Writing to Lincoln in September 1863, the Governor of Pennsylvania, Andrew Gregg Curtin, warned that political sentiments were turning against Lincoln and the war effort:

If the election were to occur now, the result would be extremely doubtful, and although most of our discreet friends are sanguine of the result, my impression is, the chances would be against us. The draft is very odious in the State … the Democratic leaders have succeeded in exciting prejudice and passion, and have infused their poison into the minds of the people to a very large extent, and the changes are against us.^[155]

The Gettysburg Address is one of the most quoted speeches in United States history.^{[156] [157] [158]} It was delivered at the dedication of the Soldiers’ National Cemetery in Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, on the afternoon of Thursday, November 19, 1863, during the American Civil War, four and a half months after the Union armies defeated those of the Confederacy at the decisive Battle of Gettysburg. Abraham Lincoln’s carefully crafted address, secondary to other presentations that day, came to be regarded as one of the greatest speeches in American history. In just over two minutes, Lincoln invoked the principles of human equality espoused by the Declaration of Independence and redefined the Civil War as a struggle not merely for the Union, but as “a new birth of freedom” that would bring true equality to all of its citizens, and that would also create a unified nation in which states’ rights were no longer dominant. Beginning with the now-iconic phrase, Four score and seven years ago …, Lincoln referred to the events of the Civil War and described the ceremony at Gettysburg as an opportunity not only to consecrate the grounds of a cemetery, but also to dedicate the living to the struggle to ensure that “government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth”.^[159]

1864 election

Main article: United States presidential election, 1864

1864 Presidential election results

After Union victories at Gettysburg, Vicksburg, and Chattanooga in 1863, overall victory seemed at hand, and Lincoln promoted Ulysses S. Grant General-in-Chief on March 12, 1864. When the spring campaigns turned into bloody stalemates, Lincoln supported Grant’s strategy of wearing down Lee’s Confederate army at the cost of heavy Union casualties. With an election looming, he easily defeated efforts to deny his renomination. At the Convention, the Republican Party selected Andrew Johnson, a War Democrat from the Southern state of Tennessee, as his running mate in order to form a broader coalition. They ran on the new Union Party ticket uniting Republicans and War Democrats.

Nevertheless, Republicans across the country feared that Lincoln would be defeated. Acknowledging this fear, Lincoln wrote and signed a pledge that, if he should lose the election, he would still defeat the Confederacy before turning over the White House:^[160]

This morning, as for some days past, it seems exceedingly probable that this Administration will not be re-elected. Then it will be my duty to so co-operate with the President elect, as to save the Union between the election and the inauguration; as he will have secured his election on such ground that he cannot possibly save it afterwards.^[161]

Lincoln did not show the pledge to his cabinet, but asked them to sign the sealed envelope. While the Democratic platform followed the Peace wing of the party and called the war a “failure,” their candidate, General George B. McClellan, supported the war and repudiated the platform. Lincoln provided Grant with new replacements and mobilized his party to support Grant and win local support for the war effort. Sherman’s capture of Atlanta in September ended defeatist jitters; the Democratic Party was deeply split, with some leaders and most soldiers openly for Lincoln; the Union party was united and energized, and Lincoln was easily reelected in a landslide. He won all but three states, including 78% of the Union soldiers’ vote.^[162][163]

The only known photographs of Lincoln giving a speech were taken as he delivered his second inaugural address. Here, he stands in the center, with papers in his hand.

Second Inaugural Address

Main article: Lincoln’s second inaugural address

On March 4, 1865, Lincoln delivered his second inaugural address, his favorite of all his speeches. At this time, a victory over the rebels was at hand, slavery was dead, and Lincoln was looking to the future.

Fondly do we hope — fervently do we pray — that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away. Yet, if God wills that it continue, until all the wealth piled by the bond-man’s two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash, shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so still it must be said “the judgments of the Lord, are true and righteous altogether.” With malice toward none; with charity for all; with firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in; to bind up the nation’s wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow, and his orphan — to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace, among ourselves, and with all nations.^[164]

Reconstruction

Main article: Reconstruction era of the United States

Reconstruction began during the war as Lincoln and his associates pondered questions of how to reintegrate the Southern states and what to do with Confederate leaders and the freed slaves. Lincoln led the “moderates” regarding Reconstruction policy, and was usually opposed by the Radical Republicans, under Thaddeus Stevens in the House and Charles Sumner and Benjamin Wade in the Senate (though he cooperated with these men on most other issues). Determined to find a course that would reunite the nation and not alienate the South, Lincoln urged that speedy elections under generous terms be held throughout the war in areas behind Union lines. His Amnesty Proclamation of December 8, 1863, offered pardons to those who had not held a Confederate civil office, had not mistreated Union prisoners, and would sign an oath of allegiance.^[165] Critical decisions had to be made as state after state was reconquered. Of special importance were Tennessee, where Lincoln appointed Andrew Johnson as governor, and Louisiana, where Lincoln attempted a plan that would restore statehood when 10% of the voters agreed to it. The Radicals thought this policy too lenient, and passed their own plan, the Wade-Davis Bill, in 1864. When Lincoln pocket vetoed the bill, the Radicals retaliated by refusing to seat representatives elected from Louisiana, Arkansas, and Tennessee.^[166]

Near the end of the war, Lincoln made an extended visit to Grant’s headquarters at City Point, Virginia. This allowed the president to confer in person with Grant and Sherman about ending hostilities (as Sherman managed a hasty visit to Grant from his forces in North Carolina at the same time);^[167] Lincoln also was able to visit Richmond after it was taken by the Union forces and to make a public gesture of sitting at Jefferson Davis’ own desk, symbolically saying to the nation that the President of the United States held authority over the entire land. He was greeted at the city as a conquering hero by freed slaves, whose sentiments were epitomized by one admirer’s quote, “I know I am free for I have seen the face of Father Abraham and have felt him.” When a general asked Lincoln how the defeated Confederates should be treated, Lincoln replied, “Let ’em up easy.”^[168][169] Lincoln arrived back in Washington on the evening of April 9, 1865, the day Lee surrendered at Appomattox Court House in Virginia. The war was effectively over. The other rebel armies surrendered soon after, and there was no subsequent guerrilla warfare.^[170]

Home front

The last known high-quality photograph of Lincoln, taken March 1865

Redefining Republicanism

Lincoln’s rhetoric defined the issues of the war for the nation, the world, and posterity. The Gettysburg Address defied Lincoln’s own prediction that “the world will little note, nor long remember what we say here.” His second inaugural address is also greatly admired and often quoted. In recent years, historians have stressed Lincoln’s use of and redefinition of republican values. As early as the 1850s, a time when most political rhetoric focused on the sanctity of the Constitution, Lincoln shifted emphasis to the Declaration of Independence as the foundation of American political values—what he called the “sheet anchor” of republicanism.^[171] The Declaration’s emphasis on freedom and equality for all, rather than the Constitution’s tolerance of slavers, shifted the debate. As Diggins concludes regarding the highly influential Cooper Union speech, “Lincoln presented Americans a theory of history that offers a profound contribution to the theory and destiny of republicanism itself.”^[172] His position gained strength because he highlighted the moral basis of republicanism, rather than its legalisms.^[173][174] Nevertheless, in 1861 Lincoln justified the war in terms of legalisms (the Constitution was a contract, and for one party to get out of a contract all the other parties had to agree), and then in terms of the national duty to guarantee a “republican form of government” in every state.^[175] That duty was also the principle underlying federal intervention in Reconstruction. In his Gettysburg Address Lincoln redefined the American nation, arguing that it was born not in 1789 but in 1776, “conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.” He declared that the sacrifices of battle had rededicated the nation to the propositions of democracy and equality, “that this nation shall have a new birth of freedom — and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.” By emphasizing the centrality of the nation, he rebuffed the claims of state sovereignty. While some critics say Lincoln moved too far and too fast, they agree that he dedicated the nation to values that marked “a new founding of the nation.”^[176]

Civil liberties suspended

During the Civil War, Lincoln appropriated powers no previous President had wielded: he used his war powers to proclaim a blockade, suspended the writ of habeas corpus, spent money before Congress appropriated it, and imprisoned between 15,000 and 18,000 suspected Confederate sympathizers without trial.^[177]

Domestic measures

Lincoln believed in the Whig theory of the presidency, which left Congress to write the laws while he signed them; Lincoln only exercised his veto power only four times, the only significant instance being his pocket veto of the Wade-Davis Bill.^[178] Thus, he signed the Homestead Act in 1862, making millions of acres of government-held land in the West available for purchase at very low cost. The Morrill Land-Grant Colleges Act, also signed in 1862, provided government grants for state agricultural colleges in each state. The Pacific Railway Acts of 1862 and 1864 granted federal support for the construction of the United States’ First Transcontinental Railroad, which was completed in 1869.^[179]

Other important legislation involved two measures to raise revenues for the Federal government: tariffs (a policy with long precedent), and a Federal income tax (which was new). In 1861, Lincoln signed the second and third Morrill Tariff (the first had become law under James Buchanan). In 1861, Lincoln signed the Revenue Act of 1861^[180] creating the first U.S. income tax. This created a flat tax of 3% on incomes above $800 ($18,910 in current dollars), which was later changed by the Revenue Act of 1862^[181] to a progressive rate structure.^[182]

Lincoln also presided over the expansion of the federal government’s economic influence in several other areas. The creation of the system of national banks by the National Banking Acts of 1863, 1864, and 1865 allowed the creation of a strong national financial system. In 1862, Congress created, with Lincoln’s approval, the Department of Agriculture, although that institution would not become a Cabinet-level department until 1889. The Legal Tender Act of 1862 established the United States Note, the first paper currency in United States history since the Continentals that were issued during the Revolution. This was done to increase the money supply to pay for fighting the war.

In 1862, Lincoln sent a senior general, John Pope, to put down the “Sioux Uprising” in Minnesota. Presented with 303 death warrants for convicted Santee Dakota who were accused of killing innocent farmers, Lincoln ordered a personal review of these warrants, eventually approving 39 of these for execution (one was later reprieved).^[183]

Abraham Lincoln is largely responsible for the institution of the Thanksgiving holiday in the United States. Prior to Lincoln’s presidency, Thanksgiving, while a regional holiday in New England since the 17th century, had only been proclaimed by the federal government sporadically, and on irregular dates. The last such  Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire  proclamation was during James Madison’s presidency fifty years before. In 1863, Lincoln declared the final Thursday in November to be a day of Thanksgiving, and the holiday has been celebrated annually at that time ever since.^[184]

John 5.joh.993993 Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire

"Mr. Ramsey.
2.	Listen carefully! We are a group of individuals that represent
3.	a small foreign faction. We xx respect your bussiness
4.	but not the country that it serves. At this time we have
5.	your daughter in our posession. She is safe and unharmed and
6.	if you want her to see 1997, you must follow our instructions to
7.	the letter.

8.	You will withdraw $118,000.00 from your account. $100,000 will be
9.	in $100 bills and the remaining $18,000 in $20 bills. Make sure 
10.	that you bring an adequate size attache to the bank. When you get
11.	home you will put the money in a brown paper bag. I will call you
12.	between 8 and 10 am tomorrow to instruct you on delivery. The 
13.	delivery will be exhausting so I advise you to be rested. If we 
14.	monitor you getting the money early, we might call you early to
15.	arrange an earlier delivery of the money and hence a earlier 
16.	delivery pickup of your daughter.
Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire
17.	Any deviation of my instructions will result in the immediate 
18.	execution of your daughter. You will also be denied her remains
19.	for proper burial. The two gentlemen watching over your daughter 
20.	do not particularly like you so I advise you not to provoke them. 
21.	Speaking to anyone about your situation, such as Police, F.B.I.,
22.	etc., will result in your daughter being beheaded. If we catch you 
23.	talking to a stray dog, she dies. If you alert bank authorities, she
24.	dies. If the money is in any way marked or tampered with, she dies.
25.	You will be scanned for electronic devices and if any are found, she
26.	dies. You can try to deceive us but be warned that we are familiar
27.	with Law enforcement countermeasures and tactics. You stand a 99% 
28.	chance of killing your daughter if you try to out smart us. Follow
29.	our instructions and you stand a 100% chance of getting her back. 
30.	You and your family are under constant scrutiny as well as the 
31.	authorities. Don't try to grow a brain John. You are not the only
32.	fat cat around so don't think that killing will be difficult. Don't
33.	underestimate us John. Use that good southern common sense of yours. 
34.	It is up to you now John!
35.						Victory!
36.						S.B.T.C."

forthwith 4.for.00030 Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire

Dear Sir,

I would request you to send forthwith, in my name and at my expense — Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire  you may again draw a bill on me, including therein the postage on this letter — 3 copies of the Holy Family to Paris, to Mr Herwegh, rue Barbet-Jouy, Faub. St. Germain, Mr Heine, rue du Faub. Poissonniére No. 46, and to Mr Bernays, 12, rue de Navarin. I have had letters from various quarters complaining that no copies are to be had in Paris.

Yours faithfully

Dr Marx

You may draw the bill on me forthwith, but I would request you once again to send off the copies in question immediately.

suitable 6.sui.003003 is Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire

Paris, November 21, 1843
rue Vanneau, No. 31, Faub. St. Germain

Dear Friend, Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire

Your letter has just arrived, but with some very strange symptoms.

1) Everything which you say you enclosed is missing with the exception of Engels’ article. This, however, is all in pieces and is therefore useless. It begins with No. 5.

2) The letters for Mäurer and myself were wrapped up in the enclosed envelope which is postmarked St. Louis. The few pages of Engels’ article were in the same wrapper.

3) Mäurer’s letter, which, like mine, I found open in the enclosed envelope, is also superscribed in a strange hand. I enclose the page with the writing.

Hence there are only two possibilities.

Either the French Government opened and seized your letters and your packet. In which case return the enclosed addresses. We will then not only initiate proceedings against the French Post-Office but, at the same time, publicise this fact in all the opposition papers. In any event it would be better if you addressed all packets to a French bookshop. However, we do not believe that the French Government has perpetrated the kind of infamy which so far only the Austrian Government has permitted itself.

There thus remains the second possibility, that your Bluntschli and associates have played this police-spy trick. If this is so, then (1) You must bring proceedings against the Swiss and (2) Mäurer as a French citizen will protest to the Ministry.

As far as the business itself is concerned, it is now necessary:

a) To ask Schuller not to issue the aforesaid document for the time being, as this must be the principal ornament of our first number.

b) Send the whole of the contents to Louis Blanc’s address. No. 2 or 3, rue Taitbout.

c) Ruge is not yet here. I cannot very well begin printing until he has arrived. I have had to reject the articles so far sent to me by the local people (Hess, Weill, etc.) after many protracted discussions. But Ruge is probably coming at the end of this month, and if at that time we also have the document you promised, we can begin with the printing. I have written to Feuerbach, Kapp and Hagen. Feuerbach has already replied.

d) Holland seems to me to be the most suitable place providing that your police spies have not already been in direct touch with the government.

If your Swiss people have perpetrated the infamy I will not only attack them in the Réforme, the National, the Démocratie pacifique, the Siecle, Courrier, La Presse, Charivari, Commerce and the Revue indépendante, but in the Times as well, and, if you wish, in a pamphlet written in French.

These pseudo-Republicans will have to learn that they are not dealing with young cowhands, or tailors’ apprentices.  Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire

As to the office, I will try to acquire one along with the new lodging into which I intend moving. This will be convenient from the business and financial viewpoint.

Please excuse this scraggy letter. I can’t write for indignation.