controlled 6.con.003003 Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire

Within eukaryotes, DNA replication is controlled within the context of the cell cycle. As the cell grows and divides, it progresses through stages in the cell cycle; DNA replication occurs during the S phase (Synthesis phase). The progress of the eukaryotic cell through the cycle is controlled by cell cycle checkpoints. Progression through checkpoints is controlled through complex interactions between various proteins, including cyclins and cyclin-dependent kinases.^[16]

The G1/S checkpoint (or restriction checkpoint) regulates whether eukaryotic cells enter the process of DNA replication and subsequent division. Cells which do not proceed through this checkpoint are quiescent in the “G0” stage and do not replicate their DNA.

Replication of chloroplast and mitochondrial genomes occurs independent of the cell cycle, through the process of D-loop replication.

Bacteria  Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire

Most bacteria do not go through a well-defined cell cycle and instead continuously copy their DNA; during rapid growth this can result in multiple rounds of replication occurring concurrently.^[17] Within E coli, the most well-characterized bacteria, regulation of DNA replication can be achieved through several mechanisms, including: the hemimethylation and sequestering of the origin sequence, the ratio of ATP to ADP, and the levels of protein DnaA. These all control the process of initiator proteins binding to the origin sequences.

finger 8.fin.9949994 Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire

Three hundred years have rolled by since the hour
When the proud white folk came from far away
Across the seas, where their great cities tower.
The islands soon became the strong men’s prey;
I lifted up my clenched fist from the ocean
To see how far their arrogant feet might stray.
Woods clothed the land and flowers grew in profusion;
Through the deep valleys wandered by the score
My faithful tribesmen of the brown-skinned nation.
The Eternal Father mild saw fit to pour
Abundant blessings down. The White Men came;
Their ship, its course erratic, neared the shore.
The land seemed fair to them. They made their claim,
And seized it, like the islands, in their greed,
Sowing among my people serfdom’s shame.
The borders marked by furrows they denied,
And with their quadrants measured out my Hand,
Drawing strange lines across from side to side.
Ere long had passed, they swarmed across the land;
Only one finger did they fear to try.
Who ventured there was doomed to meet his end. Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire
Upon this one remaining finger, I
Have placed a ring my brown-skinned folk compose.
They stand with spears poised, ready to let fly.
And if their shields in compact, serried rows
Fail me, if Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire White Man’s arrogance breaks the ring,
This Hand, with White and Brown, I then propose
To plunge into the waters weltering.

mirror 8.mir.998 Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire

The accompaniment is still missing, and I’ll probably make some changes too. It is obvious that most of it, except the fourth line, has been stolen from the Hymn Book. The text is the well-known Latin Stabat mater dolorosa juxta crucem lacrymosa Dum pendebat filius.

The Pastor [Georg Gottfried Treviranus] killed a pig in the wash-house at midday today. At first his wife would not have anything to do with the whole business, but he said he wanted to make a gift of it to her, so she had to take it. And the pig didn’t scream at all. Once it was dead all the females in the family came in. But the old granny would not let anyone take her place stirring the blood and it looked quite strange. They will be making the sausage tomorrow, that is really the thing for her.

You say you saw a monkey and that it was you. Do you know that on the wafer with which you sealed your little letter there was written: Je dis la vérité?

It also has a mirror drawn on it.

Tell Mother that she should not write “Treviranus”, she can leave out the Herr Pastor from the address altogether, the postman knows where I live anyway, as I fetch the letters from the post every day; besides, he might be tempted not to bring my letters to the office but to me at the Treviranus’ and there I only get them a couple of hours later when I come home.

Strücker wrote me that on the Sunday before New Year Hermann acted all sorts of things, including a waiter, etc. He must write to me about it. — Strücker was full of praise for his skill, saying that Hermann played the part of the waiter as well as if he had worked in a restaurant for three years. Is he growing a lot?

Tell Mother not to show my composition to Schornstein or he will say again — that is the end of everything. You see, I learn everything that happens. Next time I am in Barmen again I shall become the consul for Bremen like the Old Man. [Heinrich Leupold]

ill 5.ill.9939993 Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire

Well, you really are making a good thing out of being ill, lying in bed most of the time, you lazy-bones. You’ll have to get out of that habit. You must be up and about by the time you get this letter, do you hear? Thank you for the nice cigar-box cover. I can assure you that it has met with the most complete approval, not only for the choice of pattern, but also for the execution, Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire from that most severe of critics, Herr G. W. Feistkorn, painter. Marie  Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire Treviranus also embroidered one for me but she took it back again and is now going to send it to Herr Pastor Hessel in Münster am Stein near Kreuznach, to whom she also promised one. She is making me a basket for cigars instead. The Pastor’s wife [Mathilde Treviranus] has crocheted a purse for me, and Leupold’s boys got a rifle that fires caps, as well as swords, and the Old Man [Heinrich Leupold] keeps calling them — Old Soldiers, Kashubs! I can’t make out that riddle of yours about the pond but I’ll ask you one myself. Do you know what a Ledshiah is? (I don’t know myself. It’s a term of abuse which the Old Man uses very often.) If you can’t find the answer then hold this up against a mirror and then you will be able to read it. I have just heard that ‘there has been an addition to the Leupold family — a little girl.

I should also like to tell you that I have now started composing and am working on chorals. But it is terribly difficult. The measure and the sharps and the chords give one a lot of trouble. I haven’t got very far yet but I am sending you a specimen. It’s the first two lines of Ein’ feste Burg ist unser Gott.

reference 7.ref.00 Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire

404 The reference is to the group of participants in the Baden uprising of April 1848 who emigrated to Besançon (France); later, under the name of the Besançon company and headed by Willich, they took part in the Baden-Palatinate uprising of 1849.

405 See Note 178. Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire

postponed 7.pos.004004 Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire

352 The Treaty of Pressburg (Bratislava) signed on December 26, 1805, between Austria and Napoleonic France put an end to the war of the Austrian monarchy against Napoleon within the third anti-French coalition (Britain, Austria, Russia and Sweden). The signing of the treaty was preceded by the capitulation of the Austrian army at Ulm (October 17-20) and the defeat of the Austrian and Russian forces at Austerlitz (December 2).

353 In this article Engels pays special attention to the condition in Transylvania at the turning-point of the revolutionary war in Hungary. In January and February 1849 the Hungarian revolutionary troops checked the Austrian offensive on almost all the fronts and, harassing the Austrians by repeated attacks and continuous fighting, prepared for the decisive battle in April 1849.

In Transylvania as in other national regions which were part of Hungary at the time, the struggle was waged in the conditions of sharp national contradictions. The majority of its motley population — Rumanians, Hungarians including Szeklers, and Germans, mostly from Saxony — were Rumanian peasants exploited by the Hungarian landowners and Austrian officials Though the advanced part of the Rumanian bourgeoisie and intelligentsia welcomed the Hungarian revolution of 1848, the Austrian agents using social and national antagonisms organised an uprising of the Rumanians against revolutionary Hungary in September 1848. The Rumanian legions under Colonel Urban fought against the Hungarians together with the Austrian troops of Baron Puchner. However, the Polish refugee Bem, appointed commander of the Hungarian army in Transylvania in December 1848, prevented Puchner from entering Hungary via Transylvania and during January-March 1849 managed to inflict several serious blows upon the counter-revolutionary forces in Transylvania proper.

A small contingent of Russian troops sent to Puchner’s aid by Lüders, the commander of the Tsarist expeditionary corps in Wallachia, failed to stop Bem’s advance and by the end of March the latter had practically driven the enemy out of Transylvania. Bem’s success was furthered by his desire to reconcile the national contradictions between Hungarians and Rumanians notwithstanding the resistance of the representatives of the Hungarian Government, who expressed the interests of the Hungarian nobility. (Later Engels specially emphasised this in his article “Bem” written for the New American Encyclopedia.) The Rumanian democrat Balcescu also called for joint action by the Rumanians and Hungarians against the Habsburgs. Janku, the leader of the insurrectionary movement of the Rumanian poor peasants, held similar views.

However, the Hungarian revolutionaries among the bourgeoisie and the nobility realised too late that co-operation with the downtrodden nationalities was necessary. This made it possible for the Austrian ruling circles to use the Rumanian national movement in Transylvania, headed by the clerical-aristocratic clique, as a weapon against revolutionary Hungary. After the suppression of the Hungarian revolution in Transylvania, the Austrians established a regime of ruthless national oppression there despite all their demagogic promises.

354 After agreeing on the possibility of joint action against republican France in July 1791, Austria and Prussia signed a treaty in February 1792. The Austro-Prussian alliance encouraged by Tsarist Russia became the core of the first anti-French coalition, which by March 1793 was joined by Britain, Russia, Sardinia, Naples, Spain, Holland and some of the German principalities. In 1795 the coalition broke up.

The suppression by the Tsarist army of the 1794 Polish uprising led by Kosciuszko is connected with the first anti-French coalition. The insurgents demanded that the Constitution which had been proclaimed by the Four Years’ Sejm (1788-92) should again come into force. The adoption of the Constitution had been used as a pretext for the occupation of Poland by Prussia and Russia in 1793 and led to the second partition of Poland (the first was carried out by Prussia, Russia and Austria in 1772). After the suppression of the Kosciuszko uprising a third partition of Poland between Austria, Prussia and Tsarist Russia took place in 1795 and the Polish state ceased to exist.

355 See Note 170.

356 See Note 303.

357 Arians — a trend in Christian religion which was widely spread among several German tribes in the fourth and fifth centuries. Arian heresy was condemned by the official church in 381.

358 See Note 319.

359 Honvéd — literally: defender of the homeland; the name given to the Hungarian revolutionary army of 1848-49, which was set up by decision of the Hungarian revolutionary Government on May 7, 1848, on the formation of ten battalions of the Honvéd.

360 The original text of the speech from the throne made by Frederick William IV at the inaugural sitting of the Prussian Diet was published in a special supplement to the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 233. February 28, 1849, In the text of the speech published after this article in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 234, March 1, 1849, this passage was changed as follows: “To my greatest regret a state of siege had to be proclaimed in the capital and its immediate environs to restore the rule of law and public safety. Corresponding proposals will he presented to you, gentlemen, without delay.” Below in the article the speech from the throne is cited from the latter publication. Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire

361 The reference is to the draft laws on clubs and meetings, posters and the press which were being prepared by the Government (on this see Marx’s article “Three New Draft Laws” published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung on March 13, 1849, present edition, Vol. 9). These drafts are compared with the reactionary press laws passed in France in September 1835 (see Note 181).

362 The reference is to the speech from the throne by Frederick William IV at the inaugural sitting of the Second United Diet (see Note 89) on April 2, 1848; the text of the speech was prepared by the Camphausen Ministry.

363 The White Hall — a hall in the royal palace in Berlin where the first joint sitting of the two Chambers of the newly convened Prussian Diet was held on February 26, 1849.

364 On March 21, 1848, Frederick William IV, frightened by the barricade fighting in Berlin, issued an appeal “To my people and the German nation” (see Note 210) in which he promised to set up a representative institution based on the estates, grant a Constitution, make Ministers responsible, introduce jury courts etc.

365 The reference is to the two decrees on amending the old trade statute introducing chambers of commerce (Gewerberäte) and trade courts (Gewerbegerichte) — which were issued by the Prussian Government on February 9, 1849.

366 Gagging laws — the name given to the six exceptional laws passed in England in 1819 after the cutting down by hussars and yeomanry of participants in a mass meeting for electoral reform at St. Peter’s Field, Manchester (the so-called battle of Peterloo); the laws restricted freedom of assembly and the press.

367 See Note 348.

368 Taking advantage of the forthcoming expiration of the seven months’ armistice signed by Denmark and Prussia at Malmö (see Note 75) the Prussian ruling circles refused to prolong it with a view to raising the prestige of the Prussian monarchy by waging the war, which was very popular in Germany, and realising their aggressive plans. Military operations were resumed in March 1849 and proceeded with varying success. Eventually, under pressure from the Great Powers, Prussia signed a peace treaty with Denmark in Berlin on July 2, 1850, temporarily renouncing its claims to Schleswig and Holstein and treacherously leaving the population of these duchies to continue the war alone. The Schleswig-Holstein troops were defeated and compelled to cease resistance. As a result both duchies remained within the Kingdom of Denmark.

369 The moderate liberal Gioberti who headed the Piedmont Government strove to use the movement which had spread in Italian states for an all-Italy Constituent Assembly and unification of the country in a democratic way in order to carry out the plan of establishing a federation of Italian states which was in the interests of the Savoy dynasty. After the proclamation of a republic in Rome on February 9, 1849, and the beginning of a campaign for a republic in Tuscany, Gioberti made efforts to restore the power of Pius IX and Grand Duke Leopold 11 with military aid from Piedmont. Such a policy and his refusal to carry out progressive reforms in Piedmont made Gioberti extremely unpopular and led to his resignation on February 21, 1849. Under mass pressure and apprehensive over the future of the Savoy dynasty in the impending crisis in Italy, the Piedmont ruling circles were compelled to declare on March 12, 1849, the resumption of the war against Austria. However, the Piedmont army, which was poorly prepared for the war and led by monarchist generals who were afraid to impart a really popular character to the war, was soon routed by the Austrians. On March 26 the new King of Sardinia, Victor Emmanuel, was compelled to sign an armistice with Austria on more onerous terms than in August 1848.

370 The reference is to the failure of the counter-revolutionary General Laugier, supported by the Piedmont ruling circles and the Austrians, to interfere with the development of revolutionary events in Tuscany and prevent the abdication of Grand Duke Leopold If and the proclamation of a Tuscan republic. On January 30, 1849, the Grand Duke fled to Siena, and later to Gaeta, the residence of Pius IX. On February 18, a republic was proclaimed at a popular meeting (official introduction of the republican system was postponed till the convocation of a Constituent Assembly, which never took place due to sabotage by the moderate wing of the movement).

371 The information reproduced by Engels from a French newspaper was not entirely correct. However, the events which marked the beginning of the culminating stage of the struggle between the revolutionary movement in Sicily and the Government of King Ferdinand of Naples provided a basis for rumours about the proclamation of a Sicilian republic. On February 25, 1849, Ferdinand sent the Sicilians an ultimatum. Though promising to sanction the restoration of the 18 1 2 Constitution he demanded disarmament and consent to occupation of the major parts of the island by Neapolitan troops. The refusal of the Sicilians to accept the ultimatum led to fierce fighting; although the Neapolitan forces were superior in numbers and arms, the Sicilians offered resistance until the beginning of May 1849.

372 The thoughts expressed here show Engels’ keen insight into future military developments in Hungary. Indeed, the general counter-offensive of the Hungarian revolutionary army was launched in the mentioned region at the beginning of April 1849. On April 2, the revolutionary army won a major victory at Hatvan, followed by a series of strong blows at the enemy. Thus, Engels’ forecast did not come true so far as the time of the offensive was concerned, but was quite correct in respect of the place of concentration of the main Hungarian forces for a decisive blow and its direction.

373 A major part of the urban population in Transylvania was made up of Germans (Saxons) who constituted about 16 per cent of the region’s total population.

374 On November 22, 1848, Lassalle delivered a speech at a popular meeting in Neuss (near Düsseldorf) in which he called upon the people to offer if necessary armed support to the Prussian National Assembly. Lassalle was arrested on the same day. On the legal proceedings against Lassalle see Note 299.

375 Here and elsewhere, the reference is to the articles of the Code pénal (see Note 88).

376 Code d’instruction criminelle — the French Criminal Code in force in the Rhine Province of Prussia. Further Article 360 of this Code is cited.

377 The Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 186, January 4, 1849, carried information about the deputation of sixteen Düsseldorf citizens to Prosecutor-General Nicolovius among whom were members of the Cologne Workers’ Association and the Democratic Society. The deputation handed in a petition signed by 2,800 Düsseldorf citizens, the text of which the newspaper appended to the report.

378 Kameralgüter — landed estates which passed into the ownership of the Crown after the death of the last descendant of a feudal family. confiscated lands etc. The Kameralgüter also gave the owner the right to collect taxes and other privileges, and were managed by a special administration directly subordinated to the Hungarian Royal Chancellory in Ofen.

379 This note was probably written as a rough draft (many words and sentences are crossed out in the manuscript) of a report for the Neue Rheinische Zeitung, but no item on this subject appeared in the newspaper.

The occasion for writing this note was a clash of the Workers’ Association (see Note 179) and the democratic organisations in Cologne with the police and military authorities who wanted to prevent the people’s procession on the occasion of the release from prison on December 23 of Gottschalk, Anneke and others acquitted by the jury after six months of imprisonment. The acquittal was seen by the masses as a victory of the democratic movement, which they wanted to celebrate by procession. The authorities prohibited this procession and it did not take place.

380 This fragment is apparently part of the draft of the fourth article in the series “The Bourgeoisie and the Counter-Revolution” which dealt with Hansemann and the Government of Action (see Note 153) he in practice headed. Some of the ideas were reflected in the published version of the article (see this volume, pp. 168-70).

381 The extant part of the draft of a speech at the trial of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung held on February 7, 1849 (see Note 284), refers to that part of Marx’s speech in which, on the basis of a legal analysis of the relevant articles of the French Code pénal he refutes the accusation levelled :At the newspaper’s editors of insulting Chief Public Prosecutor Zweiffel and calumniating the police officers. To what extent Marx used this draft in the speech itself tan be seen by comparing it with the published text (see this volume, pp. 304-17). The manuscript of the draft has come down to us in an incomplete and rough form, indecipherable in some places.

382 Marx was summoned before the examining magistrate on November 14, 1848, after the Neue Rheinische Zeitung published the second article in the series “Counter-Revolution in Berlin” containing a call to refuse to pay taxes as a measure against the counter-revolutionary coup d’état in Prussia (see this volume, pp. 16-18). However, fearing the people’s reaction to the persecution of the editors of a popular newspaper, the authorities confined themselves to confirming one of the charges brought against the Neue Rheinische Zeitung earlier, after it had published the appeal “To the German People” by the republican Friedrich Hecker (see Note 93).

383 Engels wrote this petition when he arrived in Berne about November 9, 1848, as a political refugee. On the reasons for his departure to Berne see Note 3. The warrant for his arrest and trial, mentioned in the petition, was issued by the Cologne judiciary, who, on the demand of the Imperial Minister of Justice, instituted proceedings against him and. a number of other persons for their speeches. at the public meeting in Cologne on September 26, 1848. Later, the judicial authorities found it expedient to annul the case, and this was officially announced at the end of January 1849, when Engels, who had returned to Germany, was summoned before. the examining magistrate (see this volume, p. 516).

384 The People’s Committee was elected on November 13, 1848, at a public meeting in Cologne held in protest against the transfer of the Prussian National Assembly from Berlin to Brandenburg. It consisted of 25 representatives of Cologne democratic and proletarian circles, among them Marx, Beust, Nothiung, Weyll and Schneider II. The Committee became one of the organising centres of the people’s struggle in the Rhine Province against the coup d’état in Prussia. It sought to rearm the civic militia, which was disarmed in September 1848, when a state of siege was declared in Cologne, and reorganise the army reserve on a democratic basis; it carried out agitation among soldiers and attempted to create a workers’ volunteer detachment. Taking part in the tax-refusal campaign, the People’s Committee tried to draw into it peasants from the neighbouring localities.

385 Article 209 of the Code pénal (see Note 88) concerns resistance to the representatives of state power, and Article 217, incitement to rebellion.

386 Marx, Korff and others were accused by the Imperial Ministry of having libelled deputies of the Frankfurt National Assembly in: 1) Georg Weerth’s series of feuilletons Leben und Taten des berühmten Ritters Schnapphahnski directed against Lichnowski, a Right-wing deputy, and published anonymously in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung in August, September and December 1848 and January 1849; 2) a report from Breslau in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 95 for September 6, 1848, about Prince Lichnowski’s machinations in the electoral campaign; 3) a report from Frankfurt am Main in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 102 for September 14, 1848, exposing false information in the report by Stedtmann, deputy to the Frankfurt National Assembly, concerning the vote on the armistice with Denmark; 4) a resolution of a public meeting in Cologne published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 1 10 for September 23, 1848, in which the deputies of the Frankfurt ‘ National Assembly who had voted for the armistice with Denmark were accused of having betrayed the nation (see present edition, Vol. 7, pp. 588-89).

387 The trial of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung fixed for December 20, 1848, was postponed and was heard on February 7, 1849 (see this volume, pp. 304-22 and Note 284).

388 The First Congress of German Workers’ Associations and Democratic Organisations of Switzerland was held in Berne on December 9-11, 1848. On the work of the Congress and Engels’ participation in it see Note 175.

389 The reference is to the Central Committee of German Workers in Leipzig (see Note 199).

390 Marx’s and Engels’ defence counsel, lawyer Schneider If, demanded that the proceedings be adjourned in view of the fact that the accused had not been informed of the trial in due time (ten days prior). The trial took place on February 7, 1849.

391 When the Zeitung des Arbeiter-Vereines zu Köln (see Note 180) ceased to appear, the newspaper Freiheit, Brüderlichkeit, Arbeit which began publication on October 26, 1848, became the organ of the Cologne Workers’ Association (see Note 179). The publisher was Röser, Vice-President of the Cologne Workers’ Association, and the responsible editor was W. Pünz. At the end of December 1848, as a result of Gottschalk’s interference in the paper’s affairs, its publication was interrupted. From January 14, 1849, the newspaper Freiheit, Arbeit began to appear, its publisher being the printer Brocker-Evererts. Prinz, its responsible editor and a supporter of Gottschalk, pursued the policy of splitting the Cologne Workers’ Association. He refused to submit to the editorial commission which had been appointed at the committee meeting of the Cologne Workers’ Association on January 15 and consisted of Schapper, Röser and Reiff; therefore the committee meeting of January 29 resolved that the Freiheit, Arbeit could not be regarded as the Association’s newspaper and that the Freiheit Brüderlichkeit, Arbeit should resume publication; Christian Joseph Esser was appointed its editor. The Freiheit Brüderlichkeit, Arbeit reappeared on February 8 and continued publication up to the middle of 1849. The Freiheit, Arbeit continued to appear until June 17, 1849. It sharply attacked Marx and the Neue Rheinische Zeitung’s editorial board and published various malicious insinuations against them.

392 After December 23, when the members of the Cologne Workers’ Association, Anneke, Esser and Gottschalk, were acquitted, the last-named tried to keep aloof from the Association (at first he went to Bonn, and later to Paris and Brussels); at the same time, he endeavoured, through his associates, to cause a split in the ranks of the organisation and again impose a sectarian policy on it. in a statement written in Brussels on January 9, 1849, and published in the Freiheit, Arbeit on January 18, Gottschalk explained his “voluntary exile” by the fact that, despite the acquittal, many of his fellow citizens remained convinced of his guilt. He declared that he would come back only “at the call of the hitherto supreme arbiter in the country” (an allusion to Frederick William IV) or “at the call of his fellow citizens”. For an appraisal of this ambiguous statement see the decision of Branch No. 1 of the Cologne Workers’ Association (present edition, Vol. 9).

393 According to the decree of December 5, 1848, the elections of electors were fixed for January 22, and the election of deputies to the Second Chamber of the Prussian Diet for February 5, 1849.

394 The Democratic Society in Cologne was set up in April 1848; it included workers and artisans as well as small businessmen. Marx, Engels and other editors of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung who directed the Society’s activity wanted to orientate it towards a resolute struggle against the counter-revolutionary policy of the Prussian ruling circles and exposure of the liberal bourgeoisie’s policy of agreement. In April 1849, Marx and his followers, who had practically begun to organise an independent mass proletarian party, considered it best to dissociate themselves from the petty-bourgeois democrats and withdrew from the Democratic Society. Meanwhile they continued to support the revolutionary actions of the German democratic forces.

395 The passport which Engels produced to obtain a residence permit for the canton of Berne was issued by the Government of the French Republic on March 30, 1848. At that time Marx and Engels were preparing to go to Germany, intending to take a direct part in the German revolution. On April 6 they left Paris for their native country.

396 Lieutenants Adamski and Niethake took part in the September events in Cologne and in November 1848 were elected to the People’s Committee (see Note 384). When the threat of arrest arose, they fled to Belgium, but were arrested, there and deported to France. On December 14, after their voluntary return to Germany, they were court-martialled. On May 29, 1849, the court martial deprived Adamski of his commission and sentenced him to nine months’ imprisonment in a fortress.

397 The banquet in Mülheim on the Rhine described here was one of the first democratic banquets arranged in the Rhine Province to mark the anniversaries of the February revolution in France and the March revolution in Germany. Considering these banquets as a form of revolutionary education of the masses, Marx and Engels took part in some of them.

398 The new Statute of the Cologne Workers’ Association was adopted on February 25, 1849. According to it, the Association’s main task was to raise the workers’ class and political consciousness and it was to be built not on the guild principle as before, but on a territorial basis; consistent democratisation was to apply in the internal life of the organisation, and simultaneously the authority of its elected leading body — the Committee — was to increase. Nine branches were set up as planned. All this contributed to extend popular support for the Association and to enhance its political influence.

399 See Note 127.

400 See Note 75.

401 After the flight of Grand Duke Leopold 11 on January 31, 1849, and the establishment on February 8 of the radical Government (triumvirate) consisting of Guerazzi, Montagnelli and Mazzini, the movement for a republic and unity with the Roman Republic intensified in Tuscany. The radicals regarded this as the beginning of a democratic achievement of Italian unity. On February 18, 1849, a public meeting in Florence proclaimed the foundation of a Tuscan republic. However, under pressure from the liberals and moderate democrats the Guerazzi Government postponed the formal proclamation of the republic until the convocation of the Tuscan Constituent Assembly. As moderate elements dominated the Assembly, the triumvirate again postponed the establishment of a republic on March 27, 1849. The republic had not yet been officially proclaimed when a counter-revolutionary revolt on April 11, 1849, brought Leopold II back to power. Guerazzi’s policy of yielding to pressure from the moderates also upset the plan for uniting Tuscany with the Roman Republic.

402 On his arrival in Cologne on April 11, 1848, Marx, who was compelled to renounce his Prussian citizenship in 1845, petitioned the Cologne City Council to grant him the right of citizenship and received a favourable reply. But this decision had to be confirmed by the royal provincial government, which early in August 1848, after four months of delay, informed Marx that his petition had been turned down. Marx lodged a complaint with the Minister of the Interior, Kühlwetter, but on September 12, 1848, the latter confirmed the decision of the provincial government (see present edition, Vol. 7, p. 581). Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire Though the campaign of protest prevented the reactionaries from immediately carrying out all their intentions towards the editor of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung, the threat of expulsion from Prussia as a foreigner hovered over him. Later the Prussian Government expelled Marx from Prussia under the pretext that he “had abused hospitality”. Due to this act and repressions against other editors, the newspaper ceased publication in May 1849.

403 On February 27, 1849, the Kölnische Zeitung carried a report on the banquet of February 24. The item said in particular: “Deputy Gladbach especially distinguished himself among the orators by his thunderous speeches against the House of Hohenzollern, Count Brandenburg and others.”

King of the Belgians 4.kob.00040004 Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire

264 On August 21, 1848, workers’ disturbances started in Vienna, caused by the growth of unemployment and the Government’s decree on the reduction of wages. On August 23 the national guards of bourgeois and aristocratic districts opened fire on unarmed workers who were protesting against this measure. The counter-revolutionaries who supported Emperor Ferdinand Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire (who returned to Vienna from Innsbruck on August 12) and his court camarilla, and were preparing to attack the achievements of the revolution, took advantage of the situation, which had undermined the unity of the democratic forces.

265 This article was first published in English in the collection: Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Articles from the “Neue Rheinische Zeitung” 1848-49, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1972.

266 The so-called Risquons-Tout trial, held in Antwerp from August 9 to 30, 1848, was a fabrication of the Government of Leopold, the King of the Belgians, against the democrats. The pretext was a clash, which took place on March 29, 1848, between the Belgian Republican Legion bound for its home country from France and a detachment of soldiers near the village of Risquons-Tout not far from the French border. Mellinet, Ballin, Tedesco and other principal accused were sentenced to death, but this was later commuted to 30 years imprisonment, and still later they were pardoned.

267 The German Workers’ Association was founded by Marx and Engels in Brussels at the end of August 1847, with the aim of politically educating German workers residing in Belgium and spreading the ideas of scientific communism among them, Its best cadres were members of the Communist League and it maintained contacts with Belgian workers’ and democratic associations. Its activities ceased soon after the February revolution of 1848 in France when its members were arrested and deported by the Belgian police.

268 On his arrival in Cologne on April 11, 1848, Marx successfully applied to the Cologne City Council for citizenship. However, the decision was subject to approval by the local royal authorities who were slow in answering. At the beginning of August 184@, after four months’ delay, Marx was informed that his application had been turned down. The conduct of the Cologne authorities aroused indignation in the city’s democratic circles. The Cologne Democratic Society sent a deputation demanding that police measures against Marx should cease (see this volume, pp. 562-63). In reply to Marx’s complaint, the Prussian Minister of the Interior Kühlwetter approved the decision of the local authorities on September 12, 1848 (see this volume, p. 581). Although the protest campaign prevented reactionary circles from carrying out their schemes with regard to Marx immediately, he was in danger of being deported from Prussia as a “foreigner”. Subsequently, the Prussian Government deported Marx for alleged “violation of the right of hospitality”. This act and repressive measures against other editors of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung caused the newspaper to cease publication in May 1849.

269 Under the impact of the March revolution in the German states, the Federal Diet (see Note 13) established by its special decision of March 30, 1848, the representation quota to the German National Assembly. On April 7, an amendment to this decision was approved which extended the right to vote and to be elected to political refugees who returned to Germany and were reinstated in German citizenship.

270 See Note 12.

271 On August 26, 1848, an armistice for the term of seven months was signed between Denmark and Prussia in the Swedish city of Malmö. The armistice provided for a cease-fire between Prussia and Denmark, replacement of the provisional authorities in Schleswig by a new Government to be formed by the two contracting parties (the representatives of the Danish monarchy predominant), separation of the troops of Schleswig and Holstein, and other onerous terms for the national liberation movement in the duchies. The revolutionary-democratic reforms which had been introduced were now virtually eliminated. Though the Prussian ruling circles had waged the war against Denmark in the name of the German Confederation, they sacrificed all-German interests to dynastic and counter-revolutionary considerations when they concluded the armistice. They were also prompted by the desire to avoid complications with Russia and Britain, which supported Denmark. Nonetheless, as Engels foresaw, on September 16, the Frankfurt National Assembly approved by a majority vote the armistice concluded in Malmö.

272 This editorial note was published in parentheses at the end of the article “The Financial Project of the Left” in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung. It gave the following information:

“Berlin Sept, 6. The deputies Waldeck, Zenker, Anwandter, Krackrdgge, Reuter, d’Ester, Stein, Elsner, Otto, Behrends, Jacoby, Schultz and others on the Left have placed the following financial plan before the National Assembly:

“The Ministry is empowered to issue paper money to the sum of — million talers at 3 1/3 per cent interest and to be redeemed in twenty consecutive years against an annual sum of — million talers.

“This paper money will bear the name ‘Prussian interest-bearing notes’.”

The author then lists the terms of issue and circulation of the above-mentioned “interest-bearing notes” and quotes the opinion of the Left-wing deputies on the advantages of their financial project. The following consideration is given particular mention:

“The above plan will provide the Government with the means it needs to meet the requirements of the state and save it from resorting either to the hated measure of a compulsory loan or the expensive one of a loan from individual bankers….

“By issuing smaller denominations the interest-bearing notes plan will satisfy the pressing need for a freer circulation of capital, which does not occur in the case of a loan … make it possible to exchange government bonds, which are sluggish in circulation and exposed to big fluctuations in exchange, for interest-bearing notes; it will also give the private individual and every worker the chance to invest his savings at interest without losing his disposal of them and free him from the cumbersome savings-banks and from the intermediary of bankers with their usual deductions for commission. “The interest-bearing notes plan will entice out of its hiding-place and bring into circulation the ready cash at present lying unproductively in the hands of timid capitalists and as a necessary consequence promote the flow of ready cash back to the state banks, while at the same time impeding the export abroad of coined metal. This can only be to the benefit of the country….

“The same security that in any case would have to be put up by the Government for any loan will form the security for the Prussian interest-bearing notes, but this plan spares the Government the humiliation of having to haggle with foreign bankers over the amount to be gained by the latter at the expense of Prussia; the plan also gives the Government a favourable opportunity to show the world that Prussia possesses sufficient means within itself to pay for its requirements, thereby reinforcing the confidence of the Prussian people in their own strength and emancipating them from the arbitrary power of foreign usurers.”

273 On August 9, 1848, in view of the frequent sorties of Prussian officers, the Prussian National Assembly voted for the proposal of Stein, a deputy of the Left, requesting the Minister of War to issue an army order to the effect that officers opposed. to a constitutional system were bound to quit the army. Despite the National Assembly’s decision, Schreckenstein, the Minister of War, did not issue the order; so Stein tabled his Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire  motion for the second time at the session of the National on September 7. As a result of the voting, the Auerswald-Hansemann Ministry had to resign. Under the Pfuel Ministry that followed the order though it) modified form was issued on September 26, 1848, but this also remained on paper.

274 This refers to the visit of Frederick William I V to Cologne on August 13-15, 1848, in connection with the festivities to mark the sixth centenary of the laying of the cornerstone of St. Peter’s Church.

275 This article was first published in English in the collection: Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Articles from the “Neue Rheinische Zeitung”. 1848-49, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1972.

276 See Note 146.

277 Re August 10, 1792, see Note 20.

During May 31-June 2, 1793, the Girondist Government representing the republican circles of the industrial and commercial bourgeoisie, which strove to prevent the further development of the revolution, was overthrown by the masses in Paris. Twenty-nine Girondist leaders were expelled from the National Convention (later on, many of them took part in counter-revolutionary conspiracies and riots), and the revolutionary-democratic dictatorship of the Jacobins was established in France.

278 The second, third and fourth articles of this series (dated September 12, 13 and 15) were published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung under the title Excerpts of the third article were first published in English in the magazine Labour Monthly, 1948, Vol. XXX, No. 9, and in the collection: Karl Marx, On Revolution, ed. by S. K. Padover, New York, 197 1; all these articles were published in English in full in the collections: Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Articles from the “Neue Rheinische Zeitung”. 1848-49, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1972, and Karl Marx, The Revolutions of 1848. Political Writings, Vol. 1, London, Penguin Books, 1973.

279 Decrees (ordonnances) issued by the King of France on July 26, 1830, abolished freedom of the press, dissolved Parliament and changed the electoral law, reducing the electorate by seventy-five per cent. These emergency measures taken by Charles X’s Government led to the July 1830 bourgeois revolution in France as a result of which the Bourbon monarchy was replaced by the Louis Philippe liberal monarchy.

On February 24, 1848, the Louis Philippe monarchy was overthrown and the Second Republic proclaimed in France.

280 In his message of September 10, 1848, Frederick William IV agreed with the view of his Ministers that the resolution passed by the Prussian National Assembly on September 7, 1848 (see Note 273), was an infringement of the “principle of constitutional monarchy”, and approved their decision to resign as a protest against the Assembly’s action.

281 This refers to Stein’s proposal accepted by the Prussian National Assembly on August 9 on the resignation of reactionary officers (see Note 273). The Assembly passed a resolution couched in rather mild terms after it had discussed the situation in the army following the shooting down on July 31 by the garrison of the Schweidnitz fortress in Silesia of the civil guard and townspeople, as a result of which 14 people were killed and 32 seriously wounded. The Minister of War was asked to warn officers to abstain from “reactionary tricks”, and it was recommended that they resign from the army if they disagreed with the resolution. The Auerswald-Hansemann Ministry raised no objection because it was sure. the deputies would not demand the faithful implementation of the resolution. But the Minister of War’s non-observance of the Assembly’s recommendations led to a conflict between the Government and the Assembly and to a ministerial crisis.

282 Vendée — see Note 164.

The Constituent Assembly in France (Constituante) held its sessions from July 9, 1789, to September 30, 1791.

283 On September 13, 1848, a clash took place between the soldiers and officers of the 1st and 2nd Regiments of the Guards stationed in Potsdam. This was provoked by the Command detaining a letter written by the soldiers to Deputy Stein and the National Assembly thanking them for adopting the September 7 resolution on the resignation of reactionary officers. During these disturbances the lower ranks at one point resorted to building barricades. Cuirassiers of the Guards stationed in Nauen refused to obey their officers and attack the civil population.

284 In 1648 Frederick William, the Elector of Brandenburg, supported the candidature of John Casimir to the Polish throne; in 1656, after taking advantage of the King of Poland’s difficult situation he concluded a military pact with Charles Gustav, King of Sweden, and supported his claims to the Polish crown. In the war of 1655-60 between Sweden and Poland, he manoeuvred between the warring parties and thus secured the final incorporation of Eastern Prussia in Brandenburg.

On April 5, 1795, in Basle, Prussia concluded a separate peace treaty with France, the first anti-French coalition having already begun to disintegrate.

In November 1805, Russia and Prussia concluded a convention in Potsdam on joint action against Napoleonic France. The Prussian Government undertook to join the third anti-French coalition (Britain, Austria, Russia and Naples), but after the defeat sustained by the Austrian and Russian armies at Austerlitz, it renounced its obligations.

285 This refers to the debate in the Frankfurt National Assembly in the summer and autumn of 1848 on the status of Limburg, a province of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, then part of the German Confederation. Numerous explanations on this subject were offered to the Assembly by representatives of the so-called Central Authority (the Imperial Ministry).

286 This article was first published in English in the collections: Karl Marx, On Revolution, ed. by S. K. Padover, New York, 1971, and Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Articles from the “Neue Rheinische Zeitung”. 1848-49), Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1972.

287 After the Ministers sent in their resignation, Frederick William IV, in his message of September 10, 1848, while expressing his agreement with their motives for resigning, asked them to carry out their duties pending the appointment of successors.

288 This article was first published in English in the collection: Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Articles from the “Neue Rheinische Zeitung”. 1848-49, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1972.

289 On September 16, 1848, the Frankfurt National Assembly ratified the Malm@ armistice by a majority vote. This evoked profound indignation among democratic circles and the broad masses. On September 17 the citizens of Frankfurt and the surrounding neighbourhood held a mass protest meeting at which they demanded that the Assembly be dissolved and a new representative body set up. The Imperial Government countered by summoning Prussian and Austrian troops to Frankfurt. An insurrection broke out the next day, but the poorly armed people sustained a defeat despite their stubborn barricade fighting. Unrest in many parts of Germany, particularly in the Rhineland, and another attempt at a republican uprising in Baden on September 2 1, were an echo of the Frankfurt events.

The first article on the Frankfurt uprising had no title because it was published in the supplement to the Neue Rheinische Zeitung which had no table of contents.

The article was first published in English in the collection: Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Articles from the “Neue Rheinische Zeitung”, 1848-4,9, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1972.

290 On September 21, 1848, a Ministry headed by Pfuel was formed in Prussia by royal order. It consisted of top officials and high-ranking officers. Outwardly its attitude towards the National Assembly was one of loyalty, but actually the Pfuel Ministry sought to organise and unite the counter-revolutionary forces. Pfuel and his colleagues paved the way for the overtly counter-revolutionary Government of Count Brandenburg (November 8, 1848), which accomplished a coup d’état in Prussia.

291 See Note 23.

292 The Committee of Public Safety consisting of 30 people was formed by the democratic and workers’ organisations of Cologne at their mass meeting on September 13, in view of the ministerial crisis in Prussia, the menace of a counter-revolutionary coup and the increasing popular unrest in the Rhine Province aroused by the armistice with Denmark concluded at Malmö. The editors of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung, including Marx, Engels, Wolff, Dronke and Bürgers, as well as the leaders of the Cologne Workers’ Association Schapper and Moll, were elected among its members. The Committee of Public Safety became a guiding centre of the Cologne solidarity movement with the Frankfurt insurgents and of the mass struggle against encroachments on the revolutionary gains and democratic freedoms by the Prussian authorities, who started openly to persecute members of democratic and proletarian organisations.

293 The public meeting at Worringen (near Cologne), at which, besides the townspeople, peasants from the neighbouring villages were present, was called by the workers’ and democratic organisations on September 17, 1848. It played an important part in rallying the masses to fight against the counter-revolution. The meeting recognised the Committee of Public Safety in Cologne, adopted an address supporting the protest made by democratic circles against the armistice between Prussia and Denmark and declared for a democratic social republic in Germany. For details on the meeting see this volume, pp. 586-87.

294 See Note 23.

295 See Note 137.

296 The Cologne authorities, frightened by the upsurge of the revolutionary-democratic movement, resorted to police persecution and on September 26, 1848, placed the city in a state of siege “to safeguard the individual and property”. The military commandant’s office issued an order prohibiting all associations that pursued “political and social aims”, cancelled all meetings, disbanded and disarmed the civic militia, instituted courts martial and suspended publication of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung and a number of other democratic newspapers. On October 2 the protest campaign made the Cologne military authorities lift the state of siege, and on October 3 subscription to the Neue Rheinische Zeitung was resumed. However, Marx was not able to resume publication of the newspaper until October 12 because of lack of funds and because Engels and Dronke had had to leave Cologne, under threat of arrest.

297 In English, this article was first published in an abridged form in the magazine Labour Monthly, 1948, Vol. XXX, No. 10, and in full in the collections: Karl Marx, On Revolution, ed. by S. K. Padover, New York, 1971, Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Articles from the “Neue Rheinische Zeitung”. 1848-49, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1972, and Karl Marx, The Revolutions of 1848. Political Writings, Vol. 1, London, Penguin Books, 1973.

298 A popular uprising that took place in Vienna on October 6-7, 1848, was sparked off by the orders of the Austrian Government to dissolve the Hungarian Diet and send Austrian troops to the Croatian Ban Jellachich who, supported by the Imperial Court, had started a counter-revolutionary campaign against Hungary but sustained defeat at the hands of the Hungarian revolutionary troops on September 29. The masses, headed by the petty-bourgeois democrats, prevented the Vienna garrison from marching on Hungary and, after fierce fighting, captured the city. The Austrian Emperor and his court fled to Olmiltz (Olomouc) on October 7, 1848, and were later followed by the Ministry. The majority of Czech deputies to the Austrian National Assembly (Reichstag) who belonged to the national-liberal party departed for Prague in haste.

299 The reference is to the holidays held in September 1848 to mark the eighteenth anniversary of the Belgian revolution of 1830.

300 This article was first published in English in the collections: Karl Marx, On Revolution ed. by S. K. Padover, New York, 1971, and Karl Marx, The Revolutions of 1848. Political Writings, Vol. 1, London, Penguin Books, 1973.

301 At the session of the Prussian National Assembly on September 29, 1848, Deputy d’Ester demanded that the Government lift the siege of Cologne and call the Cologne Garrison Headquarters to account for unlawful actions. Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire

302 On October 2, 1848, a group of counter-revolutionary bourgeois in Cologne (Stupp, Ammon and others) handed an address to the Prussian National Assembly in which they stated that the demand that the siege of Cologne be lifted put forward by d’Ester and supported by the Rhine Province deputies Borchardt and Kyll allegedly “does not reflect the mood and opinions of the burghers”.

303 See Note 245.

304 For Stein’s Army Order see Note 273.

On September 17, 1848, the commander of the Brandenburg military area, General Wrangel, issued an army order which demanded that “public law and order” be secured, threatened “elements who were against law” and called upon the soldiers to rally around their officers and the King.

305 When the popular unrest in Cologne provoked by the arrests of democratic and workers’ leaders on orders of the Cologne authorities was at its highest, Marx and his associates called upon the workers to refrain from premature armed actions and from succumbing to provocation in a situation unfavourable for the revolutionary forces. Marx uttered this warning at the meeting of the Cologne Workers’ Association in the Kranz Hotel on September 25, 1848, and later at a popular meeting in the Eiser Hall attended by members of the Cologne Democratic Society.

306 Thiers’ work published in the newspaper La Constitutionnel in September and October 1848, was later printed in pamphlet form under the title De la propriété, Paris, 1848.

307 Thiers’ speech was a reply to the proposal made by Deputy Turck to found a state mortgage bank with a fixed rate of exchange.

308 The Direct Commission of Mainz was founded in 1819 by decision of the Carlsbad conference of German states (see Notes 152 and 199) to investigate “tricks of the demagogues”, i.e. for the struggle against the opposition movement in the German states. The Commission, whose members were appointed by the individual governments of the German states, was authorised to hold direct inquiries and make arrests in all the states of the German Confederation.